Gender in the NDCs- Australia

Core analysis conducted and presented by Fiona Hurrey and Lea Lewin of Australia in August, 2021.

NDC Overview

The updated Australian NDC provides no renewed carbon emission reduction target and overwhelmingly focuses on the use of new technologies in order to reach targets. The original NDC, and following communication, are remarkably short in length and do not acknowledge the perspectives of youth, gender, or Indigenous Australians.

In order to enhance and implement their NDC, the Australian Government must:

Provide an updated, significantly more ambitious carbon emissions reduction target on their original goal.
Explicitly include youth, gender, and Indigenous Australian perspectives in future NDC development and communication in a meaningful way.

Established youth-led climate action networks such as the Australian Youth Climate Coalition (AYCC) and their Indigenous branch, Seed, present opportunities for governmental collaboration to inform, develop, and critique climate policies. They offer strong, already-established lines of communication through which information can be collected, spread, and mobilised. Feminist, youth, and Indigenous groups should continue current advocacy work and target opportunities on local and state levels where political representatives are significantly more receptive to climate action than on the national level. Upwards pressure should be maintained. This may encourage a more ambitious and inclusive commitment from Australian National leaders.

Analysis

Introduction

The Paris Agreement obliges countries to provide ‘increasingly ambitious’ targets and Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs). However, Australia has not provided a revised target on its 2015 emissions reduction baseline. This is especially concerning when considering that NDCs should reflect countries’ specific situations and responsibilities: Australia has the highest carbon emissions per capita of all OECD countries and is one of the world’s major coal exporters. Furthermore, the omission of youth, gender, and Indigenous perspectives is unacceptable considering the disproportionate impact of climate change on women, the increasingly dire climate context to be inherited by youth, and the continued harms inflicted on Indigenous Australians. By neglecting to diversify their NDC and all associated processes, the Australian Government limits their own potential to innovate and develop effective, equitable methods of adaptation to, and mitigation of, climate change.

2. Emissions

Australia’s updated NDC does not provide an updated, more ambitious emissions target on its original 2015 target (reduction of greenhouse gas emissions by 26 to 28 percent below 2005 levels by 2030), instead emphasising that this target ‘is a floor’ on ambition and that Australia aims to overachieve. Australia has set a goal to achieve net zero emissions ‘as soon as possible’ without providing a timeline or year on year planning. This vague statement makes no clear commitment to emissions reductions, is unapologetically unambitious, and can be attributed no real meaning. The target includes Land Use, Land-Use Change and Forestry (LULUCF) emissions, the exclusion of which would translate to a target of 11 to 15 percent below 2005 levels.

Measures proposed by Australia’s NDC rely heavily upon new technologies to reduce emissions without directly connecting this technology to lowering emissions and the phasing out of fossil fuels, nor providing a timeline. This is reminiscent of US Trump Government prioritisation of ‘clean coal’ and carbon capture technologies in place of meaningful emissions reduction goals. Australia’s NDC outlines policies which aim to deploy ‘new and emerging low-emissions technologies to drive emission reductions and support economic growth’ such as The Technology Investment Roadmap. It will do this by reducing the cost of new technologies, use existing business methods to achieve economic competitiveness, and substitute high emission technologies and practises with cheaper, more efficient, and cleaner alternatives. The Roadmap will invest AU$18 billion from the Australian Government until 2030, and hopes to leverage AU$50 billion of investment from the private sector, research institutions, States and Territories. The Roadmap will release annual Low Emissions Technology Statements, the first of which in September 2020 named five ‘priority’ technologies which address emissions in sectors accounting for 90 percent of global emissions: clean hydrogen, energy storage, low carbon materials (steel and aluminium), carbon capture and storage, and soil carbon.

While the Australian Government insists that Australia contributes a small percentage of global carbon emissions, it must be noted that Australia is a developed, wealthy country which mines and exports a major amount of coal. Australia is responsible for 1.3% of global carbon emissions levels against a population which makes up 0.3 per cent of the global population. Export emissions produced by Australian coal internationally are not included in the figure attributed to Australia’s individual total. As major trading partners introduce policies to lower the carbon emissions linked to imports, it will no longer be possible to exclude these. The European Union’s proposed carbon border adjustment mechanism (CBAM) would see carbon-heavy foreign imports from countries with unpriced carbon, such as Australia, subject to increased taxes. The most recent NDC communication pledges the release of Australia’s currently non-existent Long Term Greenhouse Gas Emissions Reduction Strategy before Glasgow COP26, now only three months away.

Recommendations on Emissions:

1) Australia must present a significantly more ambitious carbon emissions reduction target and adopt a national net zero by 2050 target. 2) Policies must be diversified to include adaptation and mitigation measures that expand beyond the reliance upon new technologies, specifically past technologies such as carbon capture and ‘clean coal’. 3) The NDC must commit to the phasing out of fossil fuels in the National Electricity Grid, and include an ambitious policy for the promotion of electric vehicles (EVs) given the prominence of vehicles in Australian society. 4) Australia must prioritise the release of a Long Term Greenhouse Gas Emissions Reduction Strategy.

3. Gender

There is no mention of gender in Australia’s NDC. There is no plan for gender in climate action. In Australia, women are under-represented in leadership and decision making processes. Only two out of nine state, territory and federal heads of government and two of nine energy ministers are women. A gender perspective in climate action and leadership is essential because women offer unique voices, often experience climate change in different ways to men, and are disproportionately affected. Furthermore, the amplification of women’s and non-binary individual’s voices will provide a more complete understanding of the effects of climate change, more inclusive leadership, increased advocacy for previously unheard voices in climate policymaking, and enhanced opportunities for the creation of innovative solutions.

Disasters and extreme weather events linked to climate change disproportionately affect the world’s poor. Of this demographic, 70 percent are women. In Australia, 20 percent of women live below the poverty line versus 17 percent of men. This is due to a range of factors including access to financial support, employment opportunities and salary level, education, and higher likelihood of being a single parent. The ability of women to adapt to climate change is limited by their health, wellbeing, breadth of social networks, and access to finances and other resources. Women and children comprise up to 80 percent of people displaced by natural disasters, are more dependent on threatened environmental resources for primary food and income, have fewer resources with which to respond to changing climate, and are affected by the worsening of existing inequalities including exploitation and gender-based violence. Women of colour, women with disabilities, and LGBTIQ+ people are particularly impacted.

Recommendations on Gender:

1) Gender-related language must be included in Australia’s next NDC update in order to acknowledge the unique experiences and needs of women and non-binary individuals. Other countries, such as Brazil, already include the need for ‘gender responsive’ climate policy within their NDC and may be used as examples. 2) The representation of women and non-binary individuals in politics and leadership positions must be increased. This could include quotas within all government agencies, NDC and climate policy bodies, and consultation groups. The Australian Government faced major backlash in 2021 for gender-based harassment and assault, leading to increased public attention on gender diversity and representation in politics. To ensure that Australian climate action is diverse, equal, and inclusive of gender, this must be addressed at all levels of society. 3) Women and non-binary individuals must be supported to enter into politics and leadership. Societal and political structures must adapt to ensure equal opportunity regardless of gender. Discriminatory or prejudiced processes and behaviours are not to be tolerated. 4) The representation of women and non-binary individuals in STEM-related professions must be increased - Their wealth of knowledge based on unique lived experiences is essential in developing and applying mitigation and adaptation measures. Support must be provided from a young age. 5) Existing NGOs in Australia supporting women and non-binary individuals should be increasingly consultated throughout the review process for the NDC and climate policy. Prominent groups include the Equality Rights Alliance, which advocates for gender equality in Australia and is guided by a Young Women’s Advisory Group.

4. Youth

There is no mention of youth in Australia’s NDC. There is an allusion to the goal of achieving zero net emissions in the future but no timeline or target is provided. While the youth-led climate movement has not been as large or influential as others internationally, such as Fridays For Future in Europe, it has had multiple significant successes. In May 2021, the Australian Federal Court formally declared that the Australian Government has a ‘duty to take reasonable care’ that youth will not be harmed or killed in the case that they approve a proposed coal mine expansion. This is considered to be a landmark case. Currently, an 18 year old university student and climate activist is bidding for a seat on the board of Australia’s biggest greenhouse gas emitter, energy giant The Australian Gas Light Company (AGL). While he is expected to be unsuccessful due to internal politics of the company, the move has received significant media coverage. This represents the gaining traction of Australia’s youth-led climate movement as well as a shift in corporate culture which contrasts significantly with the national approach.

Most current institutionalised opportunities for youth in politics are at local and state levels through initiatives such as Youth Parliament or programs initiated by individual politicians and governments. However, some opportunities exist on a national level. Youth-led political group Raise Our Voice Australia was recently successful in campaigning numerous politicians across Australia to support a Youth Voice in Parliament Week, which will be run in October this year. Young Australians under 21 are invited to submit short speeches (200 words) which will be read out during the sitting of Parliament by their political representatives. This is a significant opportunity for youth voices to be heard by the government. While there is no guarantee that the hearing will translate into a more committed climate policy, it is encouraging that politicians are placing value on the perspectives and concerns of the youth they represent.

Recommendations on Youth:

1) Youth-led climate action groups, such as the Australian Youth Climate Coalition (AYCC) and their Indigenous branch, Seed Mob, should be involved in the formation of the NDC as well as in the ongoing development and review of climate policy. Non-climate focused political youth-led groups, such as Raise Our Voice Australia which aims to increase the number of young, female/non-binary voices in politics, should also be included in these processes. 2) As they both currently provide separate training and information sessions, Raise Our Voice and AYCC can expand their reach and impact on representation in climate policy by collaborating together to provide joint training on mobilisation specifically on climate issues, as well as have a broader and more profound impact on politics. 3) Further opportunities must be provided for the permanent inclusion of youth and/or youth led groups in the development and drafting of climate policy. This could include a quota of decision-makers and policy officers being under twenty-five years of age. Particularly, youth should be included in processes involved with assessing needs of stakeholders, the writing of policy, the approval of final policies, and regular policy review. 4) A National Youth Advisory Panel for climate policy, including Australia’s NDC, should be established with youth representatives from various communities, regions, and youth-led NGOs.

5. Indigenous Australians

Based on 2016 data, an estimated 3.3 per cent of the total Australian population identify as being of Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander origin. The NDC does not mention Indigenous Australian knowledge, leadership, participation, or consultation. Indigenous Australian voices were included within the 2017 Review of Climate Change Policies. No further details were provided about their specific representation in these consultations nor whether the feedback collected was included in resulting policy decisions. The Review’s final report mentioned that the Government’s 2014 Emissions Reduction Fund had created employment opportunities for Indigenous Australians and the use of Indigenous knowledge in various already-initiated policies. However, these were not directly linked to the NDC or climate policy.

In 2017, The Australian Government’s Department of the Environment and Energy conducted a Review of Climate Change Policies. The consultation included meetings with 270 stakeholders and two roundtables attended by 42 business, community, environmental and Indigenous stakeholders. This followed the release of a discussion paper generating 350 public submissions. The link provided by the final report to view published submissions did not lead to the relevant documents. Furthermore, no details were provided about the outcome of these consultations.

Recommendations on Indigenous Australian Inclusion:

1) Indigenous Australians have a profound and unique relationship with the land. Indigenous knowledge and practices offer significant opportunities for innovative, effective, and country-relevant climate change adaptation and mitigation measures. Given the past and ongoing harms inflicted by the Australian Government on Indigenous Australians, consultations, collaboration, and use of knowledge must be conducted in a highly sensitive way to avoid inflicting further harms. 2) Future NDC processes should look to New Zealand’s (NZ) inclusion of their indigenous Maori communities. NZ stresses the need for recognition and acknowledgement, a strong understanding of the Maori belief system and values in regards to the connection between the land and guardian, more broader thought on economic costs, specific cultural impacts, disproportionate impacts on iwi/Maori, and the need to ensure environmental integrity when using international carbon markets. They have provided ongoing information and consultation sessions, providing further resources and opportunities for engagement.

6. Climate Justice and Equity

There is no mention of climate justice or equity in Australia’s NDC except for one section titled ‘A fair and ambitious contribution’ which claims that the NDC is ambitious, fair and responsible in meeting the objective of limiting global average temperature rise to below 2 degrees celsius. It also justifies Australia’s emissions reduction target as being a halving of emissions per person. It does not acknowledge that not all Australians contribute equally to carbon emissions, nor that not all Australians have the means to further reduce their emissions. It does not acknowledge the different needs of Australians living in different geographical areas (e.g. metropolitan vs rural) for example, in terms of availability of public transport. Australia’s NDC fails to acknowledge that their contribution must be just, therefore failing to describe how a just transition can be achieved in the Australian context. Considering the absolutism of this omission, it would not be premature to conclude that policies outlined in Australia’s NDC will not succeed in furthering climate justice. The NDC congratulates itself on not needing to rely on past overachievement when referring to emission reduction targets. This refers to the Australian Government’s past insistence on using ‘carry-over credits’ from the historical Kyoto Protocol emission reduction target which are not used by the international community. There is a mention of Australia’s role as a ‘leading global resources provider’. This likely refers to Australia’s role as a major coal exporter, perhaps even alluding to the self-interested media campaign pushed by Peabody Energy that a shift to renewable energy sources, and therefore that the reduction or removal of Australian coal exports would risk plunging developing countries who import Australian coal (e.g. India) into energy poverty.

7. Conclusion

Australian federal climate policy is remarkably unambitious, tending to use vague language and minimising risks posed by climate change. Australia’s brief, noncommittal, and non-inclusive NDC is representative of this stance. In the absence of national political climate leadership in Australia, climate action is instead led by the private sector, industry, local governments, and advocacy groups. This missed opportunity for collaboration and unification weakens overall Australian climate ambition and action.

8. References

Authors